Quandt And The Post-War Order
Part 2: Did the WW2 settlement cloak plans to revive the fascist project?
This article is a follow up to — NAZI Bargain And The Post-War Order, Oct 2021.
Part of the NAZI wealth was liquid but some was locked in industrial enterprises. This may be why certain families kept possession of their industrial holdings. They could not flee to Switzerland, the United States, Brazil or Argentina. And these companies, like the 200 owned by the Quandt family including BMW, were considered essential. The families were left alone, especially if they were the next generation and could put some distance between themselves and the Reich.
The planning may have gone further, however. Was there another motive for this continuity and did someone hope for the revival of the NAZI project or its continuation in another format? The evidence suggests that some did.
The plan for a United States of Europe dated from the interwar years, if not earlier, when French and German fascists dreamt of uniting the two countries.
Is there such a thing as fascist technology and, if not, can a technocrat be fascist? A somewhat silly question in search of a serious answer. Technology, on its own, is amoral: it goes; it does. It must be guided to good or evil purposes.
This was a popular view at the end of WW2. Technology that was evil in NAZI hands ceased to be so when exported to the United States where scientists who had been NAZIs continued their research as American citizens. The Nuremberg Code on medical experimentation was almost immediately ignored. 
Several key industries and business people at the heart of the Third Reich received perfunctory punishment at the Nuremberg trials. Some weren’t prosecuted at all. This is the story of the Quandt family, Germany’s richest and the owners of BMW, and one of the last corporate dynasties to confront its NAZI past.
There is, in the Quandt saga, something of the behind-the-scenes manipulation that is the hallmark of Event Covid: of political and corporate intrigue; of juntas, cliques and leagues; of a fateful turning of brother against brother; the multitudes teetering on the brink of uncertainty while the few gain fantastical surplus security.
Talk of deadlines that shift but at the end of which transformation, there looms a terminus — in the words of Bill Gates, “the final solution.” A whiff not of everyday corruption but of something choreographed on a supra-national scale, that aligns with unseen vested interests. Not of furtive kickbacks or greased palms but of handsome recompense for playing their allotted role in history, like the other big gears in a clock.
They still influence the pendulum today and they are busy at the forefront of the bio-security state.
Oct 27, 2021
Remember that scene where Marlon Brando as The Godfather tells the mortician: “Some day, and that day may never come, I may call upon you to do a service for me.”
Whose service, if not military intelligence that infiltrates all the big corporations: if it happens in Russia and China, you can be sure it’s the same in the U.S. and Europe.
Sometimes three competing groups think they run a company: the management, the owners and the CIA. That’s what Catherine Austin Fitts encountered when she advised companies as a Dillon Read investment banker. Patrick Byrne, founder of Overstock, described how, upon reaching a certain level of influence in the business world, he was approached by the FBI and given a telephone number and a contact.
There is ample evidence that the CIA’s investment arm In-Q-Tel, the Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency (DARPA) and Defense Threat Reduction Agency (DTRA) work not just as incubators of new companies but viruses, too. They launch Silicon Valley companies, develop patents in universities and public health laboratories and they operate though established corporations. Ed Haslam’s 2007 book Dr Mary’s Monkey on the murder of Dr Mary Sherman explores this in depth.
The military mind does not wander through a flower meadow looking for ideas — except, perhaps, when looking for landmines — it identifies strategic threats and objectives, then pursues them relentlessly .
This means agendas in education, think tanks, grant-awarding endowments and the tax-evading corporate foundations. It means collecting scientists, technologies, doing corporate espionage and, above all, innovating constantly to stay ahead of the competition. That means being on the inside of corporations, not on the outside.
That was as true in 1945 as it is today. The U.S., British and the Soviets raced to get German technology — the Russians moved whole factories, including watchmaking and camera building machinery, and, like the Americans, teams of German rocket scientists whom they kept through the 1950s. 
For the Americans the rebuilding of Germany and the construction of a European superstate meant that key industries must be left in situ. I described the plans for a United States of Europe in part one of this article. 
Old World New
Would it surprise you if the richest family in Germany owes its wealth to the Third Reich and is well-placed to profit if there should be a rematch?
The profiteers of WW2 — at least on the Axis side — were not dismantled and the British and Americans, by failing to prosecute NAZIs effectively, gave them back control.
Were they left in charge to rebuild Germany or were they part of a longer-term plan to complete what they started, a project that bears resemblance to that being rolled out by globalist interests as we speak?
Seen this way the new normal — presented as an ideologically inevitable advance in governance — is reviving parts of the Third Reich ideology after a pause of 60 years.
Decades are nothing for people whose wealth spans centuries. Should we ignore the likelihood that these owners and whoever shielded them from prosecution after WW2 might be returning to a theme, having waited for the people to forget the song before putting the needle back in the groove?
The surveillance state is nothing new. Only the technology has changed. This is the story of a family at the heart of it, physically, technologically and now digitally. It is using its powerful presence in mechanics, chemistry and finance to establish itself in cybernetics and control, at the heart of the political and corporate effort to create a resilient new order.
This is a family that was not investigated after WW2 but allowed to restart its business, as early as 1945, despite having built concentration camps, used slave labourers, persecuted Jews, held senior positions in the Third Reich and, almost impossibly, survived despite having family ties to the highest NAZI criminals.
Quality and quantity
In the article Moneycircus, Aug 2021: War and Wealth, I wrote an anonymized psychological portrait of families that rise to the very peak of political and social influence — who use their power to enrich themselves and destroy rivals. Who may be psychopaths but who carve their names in history. With poetic license I drew on the Quandt and Rockefeller families among others.
They are entitled to no more privacy than kings and queens because their decision to get out of bed affects how we sleep at night. The Quandts insist otherwise. They don’t want to discuss where the money came from. I suggest that this secrecy is not their doing alone. That others are happy for them to remain in the shadows.
There is, in the Quandt saga, something of the behind-the-scenes manipulation that is the hallmark of Event Covid: of political and corporate intrigue; of juntas, cliques and leagues; of a fateful turning of brother against brother; the multitudes teetering on the brink of uncertainty while the few gain fantastical security — talk of deadlines that shift but at the end of which transformation, there looms a terminus. A whiff not of everyday corruption but of something choreographed on a supra-national scale, that aligns with distant vested interests. Not of furtive kickbacks or greased palms but of handsome recompense for playing their allotted role in history, like the other big gears in a clock.
Silence of the clans
For many years the family was silent. Its coldness was interpreted as arrogance according to the 2007 documentary Silence of the Quandts. The resulting scandal prompted the family to commission its own chronicle which it released in 2011. This admitted that from 1940 to 1945, the factories were run with forced labour, totaling 50,000 concentration camp inmates and prisoners of war.
There is no brief history of this family. Its modern wealth begins with the acquisition by Emil Quandt through marriage of a textile business making uniforms for the Kaiser’s armies. After WW1 Emil’s son Günther Quandt (1881-1954) acquired VARTA and AFA battery companies which generated a further huge jump in family wealth. Increasingly focused on munitions, Günther became chairman of Deutsche Weapons and Ammunition Factory, maker of Mauser pistols and anti-aircraft guns. He also bought stakes in metals and mining companies and in the automobile manufacturers BMW and Daimler-Benz.
It is a parallel with the modern era that something on the surface so mundane was actually technological dynamite. Batteries were needed by the growing electronics industry and by every weapon and vehicle, from submarines to torpedoes and aircraft to V2 rockets. In 1933 Günther joined the NAZI party and quickly was named a Wehrwirtschaftsführer or leader of the war economy.
He used his connections to acquire slave labour for his battery plants. The Schutzstaffel built him a personal concentration camp at Hanover-Stocken. Quandt also used prisoners from other camps including Ravensbrück and Mauthausen-Gusen. In the 2007 documentary former inmates of these camps told of the high death rate from poisonous chemicals used in battery production that claimed as many as 80 lives each month. Swedish former inmate Adolf Sorensen told how the family rejected his claim for financial compensation and refused to allow a memorial at the plant. Taxpayers instead paid for a remembrance statue on a nearby road.
Günther Quandt’s enthusiasm for the NAZI party was reflected in its identification of Jews as a separate group within the battery plant, according to former inmate Hans-Oskar Baron Löwenstein de Witt. In the documentary Löwenstein says the Quandts were the first to do that, before even Siemens, Krupp or Thyssen. Business was good as the economy boomed, though it was due almost entirely to government contracts, mainly for weapons.
He used his political connections to extort rivals. After the war SS-Obersturmbannführer and head of Gestapo in Luxembourg, Fritz Hartmann, testified that Quandt had engineered the arrest of the battery producer Leon Laval. Though he was imprisoned, Laval successfully fought off Quandt’s attempts to seize his shares.
How Quandt managed to escape prosecution is no longer a mystery. Former Nuremberg prosecutor Benjamin Ferencz says the Quandt factories fell within the British zone of occupation and the British deliberately withheld information that would have put him in the dock alongside Krupp and Thyssen. Evidence in the Westphalia economic archive in Dortmund shows the British needed batteries for their own military and allowed Quandt to restart production as early as May 1945.
Julius Herf, public prosecutor for the Bavarian Sonderministerium, told the 2007 documentary, “there were many wealthy gentlemen who made powerful friends… in addition to those under the protection of the Allies whom we could not touch.”
At Nuremberg Hitler’s financier Fritz Thyssen along with 12 directors of Krupp, including CEO Alfried Krupp were tried. Thyssen was fined and Krupp and briefly imprisoned before being freed by John McCloy, the Rockefeller banker and lawyer and key figure in Operation Paperclip.
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