Crisis Update – Italy's New PM; Globalist Hysteria At Transactional Politics

What threat does struggling Italy pose to those Meloni calls ‘speculators’?

As the EU faces a battle for existence, the last thing it wants is viable alternatives.
Corporate-run dirigisme only understands how to further centralize control.
Anything that obstructs it — individualism, family, tradition — is anathema.

Real politics is transactional and evolves: nothing is static in a time of crisis…
But Davos-EC don’t do debate – they have their agenda and intend to impose it.
Media’s scare tactics are deliberate distraction from the real authoritarian threat.

EU fears Meloni’s potential to highlight national interest, like Poland and Hungary…
Resisting the plan to break nation states into de-fanged regional lapdogs.
Italy’s family businesses did not comply with globalist financialized, digitised model.

Yet Italy’s hands are tied by economic slump, lack of national currency; EU’s by crisis.
Germany’s chemical giant BASF warns if it shuts gas cracker, plant may not re-open.
Paris’ Rungis produce market is the latest food centre to catch fire.

Russians who refuse to fight Ukraine are about to find the EU won’t give them shelter.
War mongering TV generals want to duke it out with nukes.
(3,700 words or 17 minutes of your time.)

Not the image of Italian voters that the globalist press will show

Sep 28, 2022

Almost three years of Covidian tyranny and economic dysfunction have shown us that politicians at best seek to avoid accountability; at worst, they’re puppets. Like many television presenters they adopt a cartoonish self-caricature.

At first you think they’re creating a personal brand, but cartoonishness is a tactic to manipulate the politically-naïve; though it also works as a coping mechanism, a nod to each other that they know its fake, all performance and script.

There’s Ursula with her outsize hair (who looks more bouffant, von der Leyen or Commissioner for the Internal Market Thierry Breton?) When she intruded upon Italy’s election, the media did a kind of Mexican Wave, howling, “Woo… Giorgia.”

This language recalls the 2016 election when the media reverberated to a dumbed-down definition of “fascist.” We know now that Hillary Clinton fully expected this tactic to help her win, with a scare. The film Monsters University had been released three years before, full of red and orange ogres. Life imitates art — though nowadays the art is a touch unsophisticated.

Behind the green curtain are teams of behavioural psychologists who work for the think tanks that are financed by the owners who pursue managed outcomes.

The fascist meme of 2016 served to distract from an unprecedented alliance of state and corporations that was putting the last pieces in place for a society based on fear.

It was European Commission president Ursula von der Leyen who, as German defence minister, decided back in 2016 that the army should police its citizens. The unelected EC official now intervenes in Italy’s politics, warning of consequences should it veer from democratic principles.

The Friedrich Naumann Foundation wrote before the Italian election that the Brothers of Italy represented “Europe’s right-wing nightmare” because it was not regional but attracted support nationwide, appealing to “the civil camp as well as to the disaffected who are not tied to any particular party.” [1]

The globalists revealed their cards. It is not fascism they fear but rather a movement that unites the “civil camp” (civil society?) with the disaffected; that is non-political, or broken down into the regional but nationwide.

Recall that governance at the regional level is a central plank of the Smart Cities project of Agenda 21 — to undermine the nation state from within. Subsidiarity, derogation and devolution to regional level are the language of the EU and former British PM Tony Blair’s policy of fragmenting the UK.

Threat or exposé

Is Giorgia Meloni as radical as the media claims? We’ll come to that in a moment. As a friend points out, people are hurting, some fear for their livelihoods. Not only has the Left failed to identify the tyrannical nature of the Covid reaction; it has neglected to frame a response — and worst of all it has mimicked, uncritically, almost every talking point of the establishment narrative.

Any politician who can demonstrate, by the response she elicits in ordinary people, that she has identified their concerns, is pushing at an open door.

One is forced to draw a few conclusions. Financial Times quotes Luigi Scazzieri, a senior research fellow at the Centre for European Reform: “It’s the reflection of the electorate that feels like it has tried everything else now turning to the solution that is more radical and new.”

Meloni has strong American ties as a member of the Aspen, and the International Republican institutes. In Europe she is aligned with sanctions against Russia, and supported the previous prime minister Mario Draghi on aid to Ukraine. She is Euroskeptic — as are the financial markets, frankly, as they punish its currency and bond for the EU’s mismanagement. Although she supported Brexit, she aligns with the European Conservatives and Reformists Group, becoming its president in 2020.

Italy plays a key role in NATO, especially in north Africa and Libya, the region of its former colonial territories.

If the EC’s overlords are suspicious of Meloni, she returns the favour. She says the convincing electoral victory of Hungary’s leader Viktor Orbán means the country has demonstrated its democratic credentials and distanced herself from Brussels’ criticism. Fratelli d'Italia has ties to Poland’s Law and Justice party, the Sweden Democrats, and Spain’s Vox.

The press accuses these parties of corruption, which is like pointing out red in a poppy field. Thus media scribblers channel George Soros whose Anti-corruption Action Centre works to keep Ukraine safe for kleptocrats — it helped defeat a bill that would have made non-profits publish their accounts.

Constitutionally she insists nations are sovereign and that state laws take primacy over the EU’s decrees.

It is true that her coalition partner Silvio Berlusconi is, or was at one time, close to the Russian president Vladimir Putin, as von der Leyen said.

And then there is the historical origins of Fratelli d'Italia in Italy’s fascist past. The BBC throws dirt by the shovel-load: “first far-right prime minister since Benito Mussolini… Brothers of Italy has its political roots in the Italian Social Movement (MSI), which rose from the ashes of Mussolini's fascism.”

Deutsche Welle says she has called for less European bureaucracy, low taxes and a halt to immigration.

A smaller state and lower taxes are distinctly unfascist, while Mussolini’s fascism was critical of biological racism and Nordicism — and race laws were imposed in 1938 under pressure from the Nazis.

On Google, scrolling through pages of results, it takes some time to locate a calm and collected assessment of Italy: this alerts us to the attempt to shape our perception. Practically everything is scare headlines from the likes of Politico, The Conversation, FT, The Atlantic - the usual suspects.

The outlets loudest in their accusations are The Conversation, a Gates-funded form of academic Astroturf that pretends to be the initiative of grassroots lecturers. Likewise Project Syndicate, which as its name suggests, syndicates material across the media. [2]

Yet even The Guardian concedes, in a moment of honesty, “Giorgia Meloni may be no fascist. But she evokes grim memories of Italy’s past.” Glad we’ve wrapped that up. [3]

Cometh the hour

It is the times that determines the politics. When institutions are robust, and offer an effective channel for representation and dissent, the political system will absorb and temper extremism, if it shows its face at all.

“The example of 20th century European communist parties shows that political context can trump radical essence, for where democratic institutions and structures were relatively effective and legitimate, communist parties were moderated by participation,” wrote Sheri Berman in the Journal of Democracy. [4]

This is sometimes called transactional politics, where give and take between governments and cohorts agrees on a balance of interest; it negotiates the order of importance attached to values — in simplistic terms the amount of money spent on the arts verses defence, but in reality a dialogue about the building blocks of society and what we hold dear.

This is not the case when powerful interests operate outside and above the political system, as we are seeing today: big pharma and its investors are manipulating the health system for profit, beyond any previous scandal; corporate and banking interests seek to take unprecedented control of the monetary system and the economy; pollution gets barely any attention while vested interests divert us with CO2, whose real aim is to ration our lives; and the media and social networks have imposed a level of censorship unknown outside wartime.

Because the above agenda is inequitable, unjust, and challenges long-established norms as well as what was once held to be common sense, it seeks to invert those norms by ideological subversion.

The primary tool is corruption. A sick monetary system has been hijacked in the name of saving it, to create vast quantities of money that have been used to buy compliance in every institution of society: education, medical, law enforcement, the intelligence agencies, and even what was once society’s last resort in the restoration of stability, the military.

When institutions are corrupt and justice cannot be found even in the courts (ask Julian Assange) how does one expect the political field to change?

President John F. Kennedy’s quote is well known: “Those who make reform impossible will make revolution inevitable.” Fewer people are aware he was warning Latin America's landed class, its owners, the self-regarding elite. He said they must modify their notorious indifference to poverty; their refusal to give an inch where their interests were concerned.

In Kennedy’s day, the vast gulf between the pampered life of the rich and the middle class was a feature of places like Bolivia — a country that has seen more than 190 coups d'état or revolutions — most recently the overthrow of its first indigenous president Evo Morales in 2019.

In our time the veil has been ripped from the democratic process. “They no longer even try to hide it,” is a common remark.

The CIA and post-war Italy

The power of Italy’s PM is checked by the president who is is not elected by the people but by tightly controlled though an electoral college of the Italian Parliament and regional representatives. The incumbent has the final say in system imposed after WW2.